Trump Timeline ... Trumpocalypse



In announcing he would not, after all, award the 2020 summit of the Group of Seven major industrial nations to his own resort in Florida, President Donald Trump tweeted, “I thought I was doing something very good for our Country,” and disparaged the “Crazed and Irrational Hostility” of his critics.

Even in backing down, Trump rejects any expectation that he should separate his public office from his business interests. Awarding himself the G-7 summit was especially audacious not least because in 2016, the G-7 committed to fighting corruption specifically in government contracts. But this brazen attempt at self-dealing was consistent with the Trump administration’s long record of retreating from America’s bipartisan role as a leader in the fight against global corruption.

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Beyond that, Trump’s flagrant self-dealing, by echoing the language of kleptocrats, is itself a major blow to the fight against global corruption. Soon after he was elected, he told The New York Times he sees no problem pursuing his business interests during official meetings. “The president can’t have a conflict of interest,” he said.

He has also refused to release his tax returns or divest from his complex web of international businesses, as all modern U.S. presidents https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/11/15/ronald-reagan-did-it-george-h-w-bush-did-it-bill-clinton-did-it-george-w-bush-did-it-donald-trump-wont-do-it/ (have done). (He promised to put his businesses in a revocable trust run by his sons, although it would do little to resolve the risk of conflict of interest, and no trust agreement has been made public.) Since then, he has regularly used the presidency in ways that benefit his businesses — for example, making over 360 visits to properties he owns at enormous public expense.

In pursuing these open conflicts of interest, Trump gives cover to other kleptocrats who loot public funds. In one 2011 case, the Justice Department's anti-kleptocracy unit seized a private plane, California mansion and other assets belonging to Teodorin Obiang, son of the president of Equatorial Guinea, where I have spent years documenting corruption and its contributions to the dire state of health, education and human rights. Justice uncovered evidence detailing how officials, including the president’s son, siphoned off millions in government funds by awarding enormous contracts to companies they own.

Obiang’s defense was that he did not break any laws because conflict of interest rules don’t apply to senior officials. Justice vigorously protested this argument and ultimately settled the case for $30 million, which the agency must now repatriate for the benefit of ordinary Equatorial Guineans.

Trump backed away from his most audacious attempt at self-dealing in the face of criticism from Republicans, but they were merely treating a symptom. They should return to the fight against corruption at home and abroad.
 


Ladies and gentlemen
We have the Honey Drippers in the house tonight
They just got back from Washington, DC
I think they got somethin' they want to say

Some people say that he's guilty (that he's guilty)
Some people say I don't know (I don't know)
Some people say, give him a chance (give him a chance)
Aw, some people say, wait till he's convicted (till he's convicted)

Impeach the President
Impeach the President
Impeach the President
Impeach the President
 


It takes effort to picture Donald Trump as Alexander VI, the medieval pope whose notoriety helped trigger the Protestant Reformation. Once you have the image, it is hard to lose. Today’s America and late 15th-century Rome are separated by half a millennium but united on an important point. The US is a dominant system that is losing its legitimacy. The Church was turned upside down by the advent of printing. Post-literate social media is doing the same to the US establishment. Mr Trump, like the Borgias, is the ripening of the old, not a harbinger of the new. His presidency is peak American excess.

Today’s warning signs echo that historic crossroad. Late medieval Rome was pervaded by three corruptions: simony, nepotism and indulgences. Simony, which is the sale of ecclesiastical office, had extended to every bishop, archbishop and cardinal’s position by the time Rodrigo de Borja became pope. Indeed, he bought the papacy.

Mr Trump’s cabinet is crammed with plutocrats who owe their positions to money. Forty per cent of US ambassadorships are occupied by business figures with no diplomatic training, such as Gordon Sondland, the US envoy to Brussels, whose hotel fortune has proved of little use in dealing with Europeans. Mr Sondland gave $1m to Mr Trump’s inaugural committee.

The US president is taking the system he inherited to a new level. Thirty per cent of Barack Obama’s ambassadors were campaign donors with no diplomatic background. Money’s grip over US politics has been advancing for decades. There is little difference between Wall Street taming the US derivatives regulator in the late 1990s and Boeing doing the same to the Federal Aviation Authority more recently. Each regulatory capture led to disastrous crashes. Financial clout trumped public interest.

Nepotism, which was the Catholic church’s second deadly sin, is also rife in Mr Trump’s administration. In Papal Rome, nepotism — deriving from nepote, which means nephew — was a euphemism for popes awarding sinecures to their illegitimate offspring. Again, Mr Trump did not create the problem but he has made it worse. No previous White House occupant had a child, Ivanka, who called herself “First Daughter”, let alone a son-in-law, Jared Kushner, with plenipotentiary rights.

But we should not forget what came before. Mr Trump took the Republican nomination from Jeb Bush, both the brother and son of two presidents, and the presidency from Hillary Clinton, wife of the president in between. Hunter Biden, the son of one of Mr Trump’s possible 2020 opponents, Joe Biden, made a legal fortune from trading off his father’s name.

The sale of indulgences, the Church’s third malpractice, is the most deeply embedded in today’s America. Wealthy Catholics would buy indulgences from the Church in exchange for support for good works, such as new churches or orphanages. These certificates of indulgence would reduce the donor’s time in purgatory and thus bring heaven closer.

Today’s equivalent is philanthropy. Taxes are a version of purgatory. Giving to charity is both tax deductible and a great way of laundering your family name. Perhaps there is an eternal ledger in which families who have made their fortune from selling arms, or weaponising personal data, will receive a bill. In today’s America they can reduce their tax burden by opening an art gallery.

Mature systems must adapt or die. What prompted the Protestant uprising was the Church’s glaring distance from the philosophy it was supposed to uphold. The chasm between Christ’s gospel of poverty and the palaces the bishops inhabited proved too great for the unlettered masses. America’s meritocratic creed also looks increasingly hollow to large chunks of voters. The net worth of the median US household in 2016 was $97,300. America’s wealthiest 400 families are worth the same as the bottom 300m people combined.

A few years after Pope Alexander passed away, Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses to a church door. His revolution would not have been possible without printing. More than a century of religious wars followed. Western democracy today is beset by a similar technological revolution. Democracy’s high priests have lost control of the message. After Alexander’s death, the papacy reverted to the Medicis — the Florentine plutocrats. This showed that Rome had not learnt from its mistakes. We can only hope that America today is better able to digest the warnings of history.
 


When Morris suggested at the Constitutional Convention that reelection would be "sufficient proof of innocence", Mason asked: "Shall any man be above justice? Shall that man be above it who can commit the most extensive injustice?"

George Mason: "Shall the man who has practiced corruption, and by that means procured his appointment in the first instance, be suffered to escape punishment by repeating his guilt?"—Philadelphia, July 20, 1787

Madison added, "[The president] might pervert his administration into a scheme of peculation or oppression. He might betray his trust to foreign powers." And so the phrase "high crimes and misdemeanors against the United States" was added to "bribery and treason".

Trump's impeachment is a stress test for American democracy and the Constitution as designed. Soliciting a foreign power for personal gain is exactly what the Founders feared.

By the way, Mason & Madison also warned that impeachment would be essential in case the president tried to pardon his way out of trouble, if he's "connected in any suspicious manner with any person and .. will shelter him". To keep in mind...
 
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