Trump Timeline ... Trumpocalypse

CONSOLING THE WOUNDED
Consoling The Wounded

President Bill Clinton hugged and consoled survivors of the terrorist attack in Oklahoma City. President George W. Bush put his arm around the shoulders of people digging for survivors and bodies in the rubble of the World Trade Center. President Barack Obama sang Amazing Grace at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church. Donald Trump went to Dayton and El Paso yesterday, gave the thumbs-up sign with doctors, nurses, and victims of the terrorist attacks…and then he whined about non-existent criticism of his visit.

As usual, Trump made himself the victim out of last weekend’s attacks that killed 32 people and injured 54. Trump was supposed to do the presidential thing and comfort the grieving communities, victims, and medical staff affected by the mass shootings. When presidents do this, they comfort the nation. President Ronald Reagan did it when he addressed the nation after the Challenger explosion. Even most of Obama’s harshest critics kept their mouths shut after he sang Amazing Grace. Donald Trump isn’t capable of doing this.

If Trump did try to sing after a white supremacist’s massacre, it would resemble the “O Death” Klan scene from O’ Brother, Where Art Thou? But Donald Trump doesn’t need to sing. He needs to shut up.

The White House took the narcissism tactic and petty grievances of the inauguration crowd size to Ohio and Texas yesterday. Dan Scanvino, Trump’s social media director, said that Trump was treated at the Dayton hospital like a “rock star.” In El Paso, where Trump visited earlier this year and described it as “one of our nation’s most dangerous cities,” victims in the hospital refused to meet with him.

In Dayton, Trump went to the hospital with mayor Nan Whaley and Senator Sherrod Brown. After Trump’s visit, they said the hospital staff and victims were appreciative of the visit by Trump and Melania. Then, Trump attacked them for being dishonest and mischaracterizing the visit. OK, maybe they weren’t appreciative.

Brown and Whaley did criticize Trump on policy, but they didn’t criticize the visit. Trump said that Brown and Whaley had said “to people” that they’d “never seen anything like” the reception he’d had. He then mocked Brown for not getting any support when he flirted with a presidential run. It’s safe to say the gravity of the situation was lost on Donald Trump and his White House.

On Air Force One between Dayton and El Paso, Trump tweeted out attacks on Brown and Whaley. His concern was less about mass shootings, the victims, and how to prevent future shootings, and more with how he’s perceived on television. What may have been under his skin is that there were large amounts of protesters in both cities opposing his visit. You don’t invite the Grim Reaper to the funeral.

Shortly after the Pulse nightclub shooting that killed 49, Trump used it to boast that he predicted the massacre as he had been warning the nation about the threat of Muslim terrorists. Trump never did warn about white supremacists terrorism and even told the Department of Homeland Security last year to focus more on Islamists, and less on angry white guys. Maybe he was afraid they’d connect the dots.

Trump used the Pulse shooting to congratulate himself. Immediately after 9/11, Trump wasn’t helping at the site of the WTC. He was telling everyone that he now had the tallest building in New York City. After the Pittsburgh synagogue tragedy, Trump expressed more concern about people linking him to the killer. For Trump, it’s always about Trump.

It will never be about the nation or its citizens with Donald Trump. He can’t be presidential and he’s never put anyone else’s interest before his own. The people he hires, that we pay and who are supposed to work in our best interest, work only to serve, coddle and kiss Trump’s ass. They tell us he was treated like a “rock star.” Yet, Obama was the president who can sing.

Obama sang for the nation. Donald Trump only sings for himself. He’s in the wrong key and he’s out of time.

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The debate over whether “concentration camps” is the right term for migrant detention centers on the southern border has drawn long-overdue attention to the American government’s dehumanizing treatment of defenseless children. A pediatrician who visited in June said the centers could be compared to “torture facilities.” Having studied mass atrocities for over a decade, I agree.

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Testimony from trials and truth commissions has revealed that many atrocity perpetrators think of what they’re doing as they would think of any other day job. While the leaders who order atrocities may be acting out of strongly held ideological beliefs or political survival concerns, the so-called “foot soldiers” and the middle men and women are often just there for the paycheck.

This lack of personal investment means that these participants in atrocities can be much more susceptible to pressure than national leaders. Specifically, they are sensitive to social pressure, which has been shown to have played a huge role in atrocity commission and desistance in the https://www.amazon.co.uk/Ordinary-Men-Reserve-Battalion-Solution/dp/0141000422 (Holocaust), Rwanda and elsewhere. The campaign to stop the abuses at the border should exploit this sensitivity and put social pressure on those involved in enforcing the Trump administration’s immigration policies.

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Many Americans have been asking each other “But what can we DO?” The answer is that we call these abuses mass atrocities and use the tool kit this label offers us to fight them. So far, mobilization against what’s happening on the border has mostly followed standard political activism scripts: raising public awareness, organizing protests, phoning our congressional representatives. These efforts are critical, but they aren’t enough. Children are suffering and dying. The fastest way to stop it is to make sure everyone who is responsible faces consequences.
 


Instead, I am part of the Complacent State.

The Complacent State sighs when the president blocks travel by Muslim immigrants; shakes its head when he defends Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; averts its gaze from images of children in detention camps. Then it complies with orders.

Every day, we refuse visas based on administration priorities. We recite administration talking points on border security, immigration and trade. We plan travel itineraries, book meetings and literally hold doors open for the appointees who push Trump’s toxic agenda around the world.

So when I read a recent New York Times op-ed calling for the public shaming of the “midlevel functionaries who make the system run,” I squirmed in my seat. We rank-and-file, like the Justice Department lawyer who recently endured public scrutiny for defending the administration’s terrible treatment of detained children, don’t like to be called out. And when we are, we shrink behind a standard argument — that we are career officials serving nonpartisan institutions.

We should be named and shamed. But how should we respond? One thing I agree with the conspiracy theorists about: The Deep State, if it did exist, would be wrong. Ask to read the commission of any Foreign Service officer, and you’ll see that we are hired to serve “during the pleasure of the President of the United States.” That means we must serve this very partisan president.

Or else we should quit.

I’m ashamed of how long it took me to make this decision. My excuse might be disappointing, if familiar to many of my colleagues: I let career perks silence my conscience. I let free housing, the countdown to a pension and the prestige of representing a powerful nation overseas distract me from ideals that once seemed so clear to me. I can’t do that anymore.

My son, born in El Paso on the American side of that same Rio Grande where the https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2019/06/26/father-daughter-who-drowned-border-dove-into-river-desperation/ (bodies of Óscar Alberto Martínez Ramírez) and his daughter were discovered, in the same city where 22 people were just killed by a gunman whose purported “manifesto” echoed the inflammatory language of our president, turned 7 this month. I can no longer justify to him, or to myself, my complicity in the actions of this administration. That’s why I choose to resign.
 


Well, we now have a solid record of what Trump has said and done. And it fits few modern templates exactly. He is no Pinochet nor Hitler, no Nixon nor Clinton. His emergence as a cultish strongman in a constitutional democracy who believes he has Article 2 sanction to do “whatever I want” — as he boasted, just casually, last month — seems to have few precedents.

But zoom out a little more and one obvious and arguably apposite parallel exists: the Roman Republic, whose fate the Founding Fathers were extremely conscious of when they designed the U.S. Constitution. That tremendously successful republic began, like ours, by throwing off monarchy, and went on to last for the better part of 500 years. It practiced slavery as an integral and fast-growing part of its economy. It became embroiled in bitter and bloody civil wars, even as its territory kept expanding and its population took off. It won its own hot-and-cold war with its original nemesis, Carthage, bringing it into unexpected dominance over the entire Mediterranean as well as the whole Italian peninsula and Spain.
 
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