Trump Timeline ... Trumpocalypse



Yes, Richard Nixon is already the inescapable analogy of the Trump era. And inevitably, the magazine articles and essays, radio talk shows and book lists all mention a single remarkable work: Elizabeth Drew’s Washington Journal.

I asked Drew to ponder that question in our interview the other day at her Georgetown home (right next door, she pointed out, to where Nixon henchman H.R. Haldeman lived in the Watergate years, Nixon’s well-known hatred for “the Georgetown set” notwithstanding). A few months ago, she was wary of the Watergate analogies, and hesitant to encourage the Nixon comparisons and remarkably quick talk of impeachment.

But that was before Trump’s May firing of FBI director James Comey—which drew instant comparisons to Nixon’s “Saturday Night Massacre” and the firing of the Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox—and before last week’s revelation of Donald Trump Jr.’s meeting with a Russian lawyer. In an email, the president’s eldest son was offered damning info on Hillary Clinton as part of the Russian government “support for Mr. Trump,” a document immediately likened to the “smoking gun” tape that came right before Nixon’s resignation.

Today, Drew is much less wary of the Watergate parallel.

“I think we already have an obstruction of justice, certainly as an impeachable offense,” she tells me, referring to Comey’s firing and other Trump efforts that seemed designed to shut down the investigation into whether his campaign colluded with the Russian hacking. Trump, she has already come to believe, “is a running crisis. The crisis is the president and his presidency.”
 
The 2016 U.S. Voting Wars: From Bad to Worse
The 2016 U.S. Voting Wars: From Bad to Worse by Richard L. Hasen :: SSRN


If the “voting wars” which have broken out across the post-2000 election landscape in the United States could be characterized as kind of trench warfare, the 2016 election saw a major escalation in weaponry, from the irresponsible rhetoric of a candidate who became commander-in-chief, to foreign interference and a flood of social media-driven propaganda, to troubling machine breakdowns and human error in election administration.

Together the escalation threatens to undermine the public’s confidence in the fairness of the U.S. election process and ultimately American democracy itself. We live in dangerous times, which could get worse, and it is not easy to conceive of simple solutions for de-escalation and bolstering of legitimacy, especially given rapid technological change which has interfered with mediating and stabilizing democratic institutions.

This Article provides an overview of the legal and political integrity issues in the 2016 elections. It begins by describing the now “normal” voting wars between the hyperpolarized parties, a series of lawsuits aimed at shaping the rules for the registration of voters, the conduct of voting, and the counting of ballots.

Restrictive voting laws have increased in number and severity in many states with Republican legislatures, and the judiciary itself often divides along partisan lines in determining the controversial laws’ legality.

So far, the pace of litigation has remained at more than double the pre-2000 rate, and litigation in the 2016 election period is up 23 percent compared to the 2012 election period.

The Article then turns to the troubling escalation in the wars, from then-candidate Donald Trump’s unsubstantiated claims of fraud and election rigging, to Russian (and other) meddling in American elections and the rise of the “fake news” issue, to problems with vote counting machinery and election administration revealed by Green Party candidate Jill Stein’s self-serving recount efforts and further hyped through conspiracy theories.

It concludes by considering the role that governmental and non-governmental institutions can play in attempting to protect American election administration from internal and external threats and to restore confidence in American elections.
 
According to a new poll 62 percent of Americans are opposed to Donald Trump’s tax plan, including 85 percent of Democrats, 60 percent of independents, and 41 percent of Republicans. What the American people are saying is that it would be morally obscene and bad economic policy to provide $3 trillion in tax breaks to the top one percent, while children in America go hungry and veterans sleep out on the street.

At a time of massive wealth and income inequality, you don’t provide hundreds of billions in tax breaks to large corporations that are shifting their profits to the Cayman Islands and their jobs to China to avoid paying taxes.

When the top one-tenth of one percent own almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent, you don’t provide a tax break of up to $52 billion to the richest family of America, the Walton family of Wal-Mart by repealing the inheritance tax on estates worth more than $5.5 million.

Real tax reform means substantially increasing taxes on the richest Americans and most profitable corporations in order to expand the disappearing middle class, create millions of jobs, and reduce income and wealth inequality.
 
Here inlies the problem with any meaningful change in our system. Our government, media and major corporations are run by the rich. They don't want anything to change because this system is what allows them to continue making money hand over fist. So, the very people who run our country are the ones who will fight against any changes that don't benefit them. Hence, nothing changes
 


In fact, as he approaches six months in office on Thursday, Mr. Trump is slightly behind the lawmaking pace for the past six presidents, who as a group signed an average of 43 bills during the same period. And an analysis of the bills Mr. Trump signed shows that about half were minor and inconsequential, passed by Congress with little debate. Among recent presidents, both the total number of bills he signed and the legislation’s substance make Mr. Trump about average.
 
[Ain't Nature Beautiful ... LMAO ...]



WASHINGTON (AP) — It’s not a tweet storm but a real storm.

The newest potentially dangerous swirl of hot air is a tropical storm in the Atlantic named Don.

And it’s a total coincidence that the storm bears a common nickname for the president of the United States.

Tropical storms and hurricanes are named several years in advance in a non-political way by an international committee of meteorologists. This is the second time there’s been a Tropical Storm Don in the Atlantic — 2011′s Don fizzled out before it hit land.

“I hadn’t even thought about that,” said Max Mayfield, the former National Hurricane Center director who chaired the committee that http://www.noaanews.noaa.gov/stories2006/s2607.htm (added) the name Don to the storm list in 2006. “I guarantee you that it has no connection to Donald Trump.”

The president goes by the full name Donald. The storm is the shortened name, not the longer one.

When he was called about the name Don for a storm, Mayfield chuckled and said it wasn’t named after any of the meteorologists he knew. He had to be reminded that the president is named Donald.

National Hurricane Center spokesman Dennis Feltgen confirmed the name was not a political choice.
 
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