Trump Timeline ... Trumpocalypse

But please stay on it libs. 0-4 with that message. Hahahahaha
http://conservativetribune.com/dem-senator-admission-russia/?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=lynx&utm_campaign=can&utm_content=2017-06-22
 


The unoriginality—not to mention the laziness—of Needham’s op-ed, and his reliance on the repetition of longstanding assumptions and rhetoric, suggest that conservatives have succeeded in crafting a popular narrative of freedom and its enemies. Critics of reform have been able to draw at will on this formula.

By employing this vocabulary and narrative, they have been able to frame their opposition to reform as based on a desire to maintain and expand a liberty that is both central and precarious, always threatening to collapse under the weight of well-meaning but (in their account) deadly expansions of the welfare state.

Needham’s editorial, however, comes at a time when the right’s narrative of freedom is becoming increasingly less compelling. Moreover, it suggests the importance of developing a countervailing set of keywords and stories that could be the basis of a progressive common sense.
 
Drain the what?

https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/06/22/20938/trump-appointee-saudi-government-lobbyist?utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=publici-ifttt
Richard Hohlt earning six figures from kingdom bent on influencing Trump

“I will issue a lifetime ban against senior executive branch officials lobbying on behalf of a FOREIGN GOVERNMENT! #DrainTheSwamp,”

https://www.publicintegrity.org/2017/06/22/20938/trump-appointee-saudi-government-lobbyist?utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=publici-ifttt
 
The Post’s new findings in Russia’s bold campaign to influence the U.S. election
https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/world/national-security/russia-hacking-timeline/ (The Post’s new findings in Russia’s bold campaign to influence the U.S. election)

Russia’s election inference was one of the most divisive topics of the presidential campaign.

Intelligence agencies knew as early as 2015 that the Russians had penetrated the systems of the Democratic National Committee, but it wasn’t until the election cycle hit full force that many of the leaks began to surface. Throughout the summer months, Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump continued to reject the intelligence on Russia’s involvement, while Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton was dogged by an email scandal that resurfaced time and time again.

Here is a look at the events in the administration as the White House proposed various ways to punish Russia during the final months of the presidential campaign:
 



Early last August, an envelope with extraordinary handling restrictions arrived at the White House. Sent by courier from the CIA, it carried “eyes only” instructions that its contents be shown to just four people: President Barack Obama and three senior aides.

Inside was an intelligence bombshell, a report drawn from sourcing deep inside the Russian government that detailed Russian President Vladimir Putin’s direct involvement in a cyber campaign to disrupt and discredit the U.S. presidential race.

But it went further. The intelligence captured Putin’s specific instructions on the operation’s audacious objectives — defeat or at least damage the Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton, and help elect her opponent, Donald Trump.

At that point, the outlines of the Russian assault on the U.S. election were increasingly apparent. Hackers with ties to Russian intelligence services had been rummaging through Democratic Party computer networks, as well as some Republican systems, for more than a year. In July, the FBI had opened an investigation of contacts between Russian officials and Trump associates. And on July 22, nearly 20,000 emails stolen from the Democratic National Committee were dumped online by WikiLeaks.

But at the highest levels of government, among those responsible for managing the crisis, the first moment of true foreboding about Russia’s intentions arrived with that CIA intelligence.

The material was so sensitive that CIA Director John Brennan kept it out of the President’s Daily Brief, concerned that even that restricted report’s distribution was too broad. The CIA package came with instructions that it be returned immediately after it was read. To guard against leaks, subsequent meetings in the Situation Room followed the same protocols as planning sessions for the Osama bin Laden raid.

It took time for other parts of the intelligence community to endorse the CIA’s view. Only in the administration’s final weeks in office did it tell the public, in a declassified report, what officials had learned from Brennan in August — that Putin was working to elect Trump.
 
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